ASIA/PHILIPPINES - From the “Sisifo syndrome” to authentic peace: the future of Mindanao - Interview with Fr. Eliseo Mercado, missionary of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate

Tuesday, 6 May 2008

Manila (Agenzia Fides) - A territory with endless possibilities that struggle to become a reality; a ball of complex conflicts; a refuge for rebels and terrorists; absolute dominion by the Filipino Islamic community; the black hole of human rights; a difficult subject that is little known or understood. These are the typical stereotypes that exist concerning the island of Mindanao, a relatively large island in South Philippines that for decades has been the focus in the question of national unity in the Philippines. In Mindanao, where there is a minority of Filipino Muslims (over 6 million people) that work in guerrilla groups like the “Moro National Liberation Front” (MNLF) and the “Moro Islamic Liberation Front” (MILF) that in recent years clashed with the government in Manila and that today, in an exhausting process of give and take, are negotiating with the government in an effort to obtain a greater autonomy.
There are currently Malaysian troops who are retreating from the island, after having maintained a presence there in order to monitor the ceasefire in South Philippines. Some analysts believe that the retreat will lead to the resurgence of fighting, especially seeing as the peace process was detained for so many months.
Agenzia Fides asked Fr. Eliseo Mercado, a Filipino missionary, who for years served as the head of the Office for Justice and Peace of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, to explain more about this complex situation of Mindanao. Fr. Mercado, a man who his respected by both Christians and Muslims alike, was Rector of the University of Notre Dame in Cotabao (Mindanao) and was asked by the Filipino government to form part of the negotiating team in the difficult dialogues for peace with the representatives of the MILF.
The “peace process” in South Philippines seems to be on a bumpy path, with steps forward and backward...Why?
Observing the peace process between the government and the rebel groups in South Philippines, I am convinced that it suffers from an illness called: “the Sisifo Syndrome.” Sisifo was a mythological figure who had the tiresome task of taking a large stone up to the top of a mountain and throwing it down, then taking it back up the mountain...without end. We can recall the Tripoli Accords (1976); those in 1986 between Corazon Aquino and Nur Misuari of the MNLF; the reopening of the “dossier” with the Presidency of Fidel Ramos in 1992 and the subsequent “Final Peace Accord” of 1996. In spite all the generalized euphoria from these events, the situation did not improve. Moreover, new rebellions occurred. With the Presidency of Gloria Arroyo, in 2001, another accord was signed with the MILF, called the “roadmap” for peace. Today these talks are still open and continue at a snail’s pace: and to think that the “ancestral dominion” of these lands seemed to have been resolved, but then everything fell apart. Thirty years after the first signings, we are still here waiting and we need to be building with an increasingly greater energy. It should also be noted that negative stereotypes have been created that do not help the question. The prejudices and mistrust that paralyze the matter on both a social and political level, need to be uprooted.

As you have pointed out, the Mindanao situation has been dragging along for several decades now. What are its root causes?
Mindanao is and will continue to be for years to come, the eye of the hurricane. The political and social peace, the accords, the ceasefires, will all remain ink on paper until the main questions that cause the storm are examined: poverty, political exclusion, injustice (real, observable). The question of poverty, which is a serious obstacle for peace, is evident in Mindanao and affects all its areas and urban sectors, the entire population - Muslims, Christians, and indigenous peoples. These areas have the lowest income rate, in comparison to the other areas of the Philippines (such as Luzon and Visayas). There is a lack of basic infrastructures and of social and health services on the island. According to official statistics, of the 20 poorest provinces in the Philippines, 14 are in Mindanao, and four of these are in the Muslim Autonomous Region. These are the provinces where the fighting is most intense.

Could you tell us a bit about the “sense of exclusion” that exists in Mindanao?
We are in an area in the outskirts of the city, far from the “Metro Manila,” the center of the national power. There is not a sufficient participation and representation of the people of Mindanao in national government and this causes a sense of exclusion. The Philippines is not a mono-cultural state nor is it a mono-religious state. The unity and the social bonds are based on the recognition and respect of differences. The scarce presence of Mindanao citizens in the political realm, in public office, on all levels, is evident. The exclusion undermines the social bonds in terms of ethnic background, religion, and culture. The ethnic and religious minorities will never be able to find so-called ‘unity and national identity’ if it is only based on the culture and values of the majority. The minority communities often interpret laws and declarations that come from the top down as the “tyranny of the majority” and this increases their exclusion. We need more equality and participation.

You just mentioned the problem of the inequality
The inequality, real or perceived, is always the main cause for instability in a nation or community. In Mindanao, the popular perception is that the land and resources of the territory are not used for the benefit of the local population. This encourages the request for “cession,” as the wealth of Mindanao could be used towards the progress and welfare of the local population. A third of the Filipino people live in Mindanao, however not even 20 % of the funds from the national balance reach the area and there are serious deficiencies in the education system and in access to basic needs.
When we speak of the “justice system” or the “state of law,” Mindanao is the example of its collapse. The system of justice itself is very weak in the most remote provinces. Crime, kidnapping, drug trafficking, insecurity are all widespread evils. In addition to blackmailing, suspected or perceived, between delinquents and law-enforcement officers, is the last hole in the net of a system that makes Mindanao a real “limited case.” With this situation of poverty, exclusion, and inequality, can one be surprised that Mindanao is fertile ground for rebellion and cessions?

In the Philippines, there are different groups who are willing to take care of these problems. Are you implying that it is a struggle for them to even begin to take action?
In Mindanao we are really tangled up in a “knot.” There is a great labyrinth of organizations, counsels, committees, and acronyms that is easy to get lost in. This abundance of associations on a governmental and local level has somewhat drowned out the Mindanao question, especially due to a lack of financing and administrative, technical, and financial support. The administrative leaders find themselves in the midst of an exhaustive bureaucracy, with the insufficiency of funds and the instability of the central government in Manila. In this situation, chaos reigns and this impedes any improvement. A second “knot” is formed by the many acronyms that, with external aid, should oversee the economic and social progress in Mindanao: international institutions, finance groups, beneficiaries, and NGOs. But where does all that money end up? It is evident that not very much of it reaches the population to whom it has been legitimately destined, due to corruption and underhandedness. There is an urgent need for a new plan for reconstruction in Mindanao, starting with the simplification and the functioning of those organizations who purpose is to promote progress in Mindanao.

What would be the steps that need to be taken in the near future?
There is a need for support on a political and cultural level, as well as from the mass media in our effort for peace, dialogue, and reconciliation. With the crisis that the national government is going through, we are afraid that the peace effort could be shipwrecked from such turbulent waters. Our people need a credible leadership in order to successfully navigate the waters of prejudices and conflicts, of poverty and debility.

Mindanao is inhabited by Christians, Muslims, and indigenous peoples. What role does interreligious dialogue play in all this?
We live in a land that includes many different cultures, ethnic origins, and religions. This diversity encourages us to change our framework and our relationships. It urges us to move from hostility to fraternity, from indifference to commitment with the other person. The first step is the acceptance of pluralism, in order to discover, along with the faithful of other religious communities, a common ground of principles and values: above all, love for God and love for one’s neighbor. Christians and Muslims in Mindanao are called to be communities that live in a respectful dialogue, never in conflict. Violence, Pope John Paul II said, destroys the image of the Creator in His creatures. We, as Oblates of Mary Immaculate, have been committed for over 70 years in the work of interreligious dialogue in Mindanao and in the islands of Sulu and Tawi-Tawi. Among our missionaries are those who gave their lives for this mission: Msgr. Benjamin de Jesus, Fr. Nelson Javellana, Fr. Benajamin Innocencio, and Fr. Reynaldo Roda, along with all those who dedicated their lives with love and strength in their faith, to the service of the local people. This is the true way to peace. (PA) (Agenzia Fides 6/5/2008; righe 130, parole 1608)


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